This article from the League was published in the Gainesville Sun. It delineates the consequences of School Choice in Gainesville. For-profit, self dealing CSUSA charter schools want to come to Gainesville.
Every year the Florida DOE compares charter vs. traditional public school performance. The report shows percentages of proficient students in each sector. Charters win, hands down in this report but not on reports from national research studies. Why is that?
- Charters enroll a lower percentage of students who qualify for Free and Reduced Lunch, disabilities and English Language Learners. Thus, given the correlation between income and achievement, charters should look better. In general they represent higher income families. See the Florida DOE chart below.
The achievement for Florida charters is dismal when compared to similar traditional public school (TPS) students. The DOE comparisons do not match students based on their test scores. The CREDO urban area study did. Look at the evidence for achievement gains, in 42 cities, between charters and traditional public school students when matched on their initial achievement levels and the amount gained three years later.
CREDO STUDY RESULTS: The picture for urban charters in Florida is not pretty. Based on results from Fort Myers, Jacksonville, Miami, Orlando, St. Petersburg, Tampa and West Palm Beach:
- Charters in five of seven cities did worse than the TPS in reading. Miami and Tampa had small charter gains.
- Charters in three of seven cities did worse in math. One showed no difference; three (Jacksonville, Miami and Tampa) did slightly better than the TPS students.
Only in Jacksonville and Miami are student demographics similar between charters and TPS. In other cities, Florida charters generally enroll a lower percentage of students in poverty and with learning disabilities. It should be noted that in Miami, while there are similar numbers of students in poverty, the charter sector is largely Hispanic. This is generally not the case in most of the urban areas studied. No matter how you look at the comparisons, something is lacking in Florida’s charter sector.
Some U.S. city charters do remarkably better than the TPS e.g. Bay Area, Boston, Memphis, Newark, New Orleans, and New York City. Most cities do not. These gains are largest for low-income black students and Hispanic English language learners.
While the data from these cities are disputed by reliable sources, it is important to look at the charter sectors in these areas to see if and how they differ from those in other cities. For example, Boston has a limited and tightly controlled charter group. New York City charters are known to have high dismissal rates. What is happening in these charter successful cities? Who do they really serve?
Is the formula for successful charters to weed out students whom they cannot help? Should traditional public schools do the same? Where does this road lead? Want to find out? Read the blog tomorrow.
Schools of Hope is the latest panacea in Florida for economically and racially segregated schools. Low performing schools can either be closed or turned into charters. These charters, called Schools of Hope would be run by charters like KIPP that operate no-nonsense schools in low income areas. Students who survive the harsh discipline policies can do well. The others, often as many as forty percent of students, are counseled to leave school. What happens to these students?
Diane Ravitch requested this article. As I wrote it, I was struck by what a small, but politically well connected club was behind Florida’s choice movement. They attracted big money to sell their ideas. The end result, in spite of the growth of Florida’s tax credit vouchers, shows that: Not all Choices are Good Choices.
Following Jeb Bush’s 1994 defeat in his run for governor, he dented his image. According to a Tampa Bay Times report, in a televised debate Bush responded ‘not much’ when asked what he would do for black voters. Faced with criticism, he launched a charter school in Miami, and the school choice movement in Florida began.
In this article by Valerie Strauss, Carol Burris states: “All of the problems associated with charter schools, such as, siphoning public school funding, increased segregation, scandalous recruiting practices and blatant profiteering can be found in charters in and surrounding America’s Christmas city.” Superintendent of Schools Joseph Roy (Pennsylvania’s Superintendent of the Year) budgets $26 million for its charters. He estimates that if all charter students returned to public schools, the district, even after hiring some new faculty, would save twenty million dollars.
Kentucky: United We Stand, Divided We Fall
Seven states have resisted the urge to go to charter schools. Kentucky is one of them. They kept bussing plans from the 1970s integration in place between the city of Louisville and its surrounding suburbs. Yes, there was some complaining, but forty years later children are in classes with diverse socio economic and racial groups. The latest opinion poll shows an 89% approval rating. The Atlantic article contrasts Louisville with Detroit where charters abound. Louisville comes out ahead, hands down.
Desegregation helped the city thrive. Unlike Detroit, where affluent citizens fled to suburbs and bankrupted the inner city, all sorts of people and businesses flourish in Louisville. Now their city cohesion is threatened with the introduction of three charter school bills in the state legislature.
Rep. Moffett’s bill 103 allow charters statewide but includes multiple authorizers. This means that not just local school districts but mayors and universities or others could start a charter school. Charter schools are essentially private schools that operate with public funds. How is the public to know the effectiveness of charters? If there are multiple authorizers, there will be different standards of oversight. Some states have had charter school operators shop their ideas from one authorizer to another to find the one that will let them in. The charter industry likes multiple chances to get started, but there are many reasons to keep the oversight and regulation of charters local and systematic. Here is the take of one charter school proponent on why single authorizers work better.
Rep. John Carney, Chair of the House Education Committee, introduced his version of a charter bill 520 that allows only local school districts to authorize charters. Disputes would be moderated by the State Board of Education in much the way that Florida operates. The charters would take the same state accountability tests, follow the same health, safety, financial and transparency laws, and give priority to low income students attending low achieving schools. The staff analysis of this bill points out important concerns about sectarian and online schools, financial impact on public schools, provision for school closure as well as a major constitutional concern.
Targeting charters for low income students in struggling schools can be a trap. Charters typically siphon off students in these areas who are more likely to succeed thus creating a downward spiral in those neighborhood schools. It can make a bad situation worse. The attrition rates of charters is typically high for both students and teachers. The charter schools themselves fail at a high rate. After all, the only ‘advantage’ of charters in those areas is that they can require teachers to work longer hours with less pay and no retirement benefits. This is how the charters fund the extended time needed to improve student learning. It’s all about money that is in short supply.
Bill 70 introduced by Senator Neal, would limit charters to a pilot project in Jefferson County. The results of any pilot are clear. They increase segregation both economically and racially, and they do not improve academic achievement.
If the educational goal is to close the achievement gap, then it will take something more disruptive than charter schools. It will take a commitment to equity and that costs money. Equity means that the needs of all children are addressed.
- It likely will require more time time–a longer school day and school year.
- It will help families and students to get access at schools to physical, mental and social support services; in other words, a community school concept where existing community services parents use are delivered in schools, not all over town.
- School populations will be diverse in order to create a climate of possibilities.
- Instructional strategies will have to be engaging to students with different abilities and interests. This means that test driven curriculum and teaching strategy must yield to a more hands on, group based approach.
- School cultures must be supportive and welcoming, not solely competitive for the next advanced class, targeted magnet, or gifted program. Finding communalities must be as important as identifying exceptionalities.
There may be instances in which local district may benefit from the flexibility to try new instructional programs in a limited setting with a particular group of students. Often state laws, district and teacher union regulations make these innovation programs difficult to implement. Here in Gainesville, we have a charter that is affiliated with a psychologist’s clinic to help dyslexic children. It is a unique approach that would not fit well in the district school, but the charter works with the district staff. These collaborations can work but they are targeted to specific needs the district recognizes.
What does not work for schools is a whole sale ideology that private enterprise operates better than public responsibility. In Florida, over a third of the charters operate for-profit, skim millions in self interested real estate and management scams, and compete directly with competent public schools thus weakening both the charter and public sectors. The educational funding pie gets divided three ways, public, charter, and private tax vouchers which ensures no sector is adequately supported.
One of our mottos comes to mind: School Choice is a Distraction, not a Solution.
For over forty years, Louisville Kentucky has done more than talk; it has walked the walked. Or, maybe we should say they got on the bus. Like many cities, Louisville faced court ordered integration back in the 1970s. Unlike others, Louisville embraced it–after they got used to the idea. Some opponents went to court to fight the bussing that combined inner city and suburban schools into one large district integration plan. The district lost its case (Meredith vs. Jefferson County Board of Education) in 2006 when the Kentucky Supreme Court ruled in favor of a parent opposed to bussing. But the district was not to be denied.
In a survey of parent choice, parents would be willing to transport their children to schools farther away if 50% (rather than 40%) of the students in a school were similar to their own. While schools close to home are ranked first, other factors enter into decisions according to a Mathematica review. Districts respond but solutions are elusive. The tale of Minneapolis is one such example.
An employee at the McKeel Academy has been arrested for stealing $100,000 from the charter school. The former Assistant Director for Academy faces seven felony charges relating to her creation of fake companies to hide purchases, travel expenses and other illegal activities.
McKeel Academy’s three charter schools have had other serious management problems. When will the legislature address the charter management oversight issue? These McKeel charter schools have seen problems before. But, then, its board members are in the legislature.